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Flag of Pakistan.svg Dones pakistaneses

Segons el cens del Pakistan de 2017, les dones al Pakistan representaven el 48,76% de la població.[1] Les dones del Pakistan han jugat un paper important al llarg de la història del Pakistan,[2] i se les permet votar a les eleccions des del 1956.[3] Al Pakistan, les dones han ocupat alts càrrecs, inclòs el de primera ministra, presidenta de l’Assemblea nacional, líder de l’oposició, etc. com a ministres federals, jutgesses,[4] i llocs comissionats a les forces armades. La general major Shahida Malik ha assolint el càrrec militar més alt per a una dona.[5][6]

La situació de les dones al Pakistan difereix considerablement segons les classes, les regions i la divisió rural / urbana a causa del desenvolupament socioeconòmic desigual i de l’impacte de les formacions socials tribals i feudals en la vida de les dones al Pakistan. Gender Concerns International informa que els drets generals de les dones al Pakistan han millorat amb un nombre creixent de dones educades i alfabetitzades.[7][8][9][10]

No obstant això, les dones del Pakistan s'enfronten a la discriminació com a resultat de la societat patriarcal del Pakistan. Alguns dels problemes amb què s’enfronten les dones al Pakistan són la violència domèstica, els crims d'honor, la violació i el segrest, la violació conjugal, els matrimonis forçats i els avortaments induïts.[11] L'Informe global sobre la bretxa de gènere de 2020 situava Pakistan al 151 del total de 153 països.[12] Una enquesta realitzada per la Fundació Thomson Reuters (TRF) va situar el Pakistan com el sisè país més perillós per a les dones.[13]

Història[modifica]

Vegeu també: Història del Pakistan

Històricament, els reformadors musulmans com Syed Ahmad Khan van intentar portar l'educació a les dones, limitar la poligàmia i apoderar les dones d'altres maneres mitjançant l'educació.[8] Se sabia que el fundador del Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, tenia una actitud positiva envers les dones.[8] Després de la independència del Pakistan, van començar a formar-se grups de dones i organitzacions feministes creades per líders destacades com Fatima Jinnah que treballaven per eliminar les injustícies socioeconòmiques contra les dones del país.

Jinnah assenyala que les dones musulmanes líders de totes les classes van donar suport activament al moviment pakistanès a mitjans de la dècada del 1940. El seu moviment estava dirigit per esposes i altres parents de líders polítics. De vegades, les dones s’organitzaven en manifestacions públiques a gran escala. Abans de 1947, les dones musulmanes del Panjab tenien una tendència a votar per la Lliga Musulmana mentre els seus homes donaven suport al Partit Unionista.[14]

Moltes dones musulmanes van donar suport al Congrés Nacional Indi del Moviment Quit India. Alguns com Syeda Safia Begum de Muslim Town (Lahore) van iniciar la primera escola anglesa per a nens musulmans a Muslim Town el 1935. Es va concedir el sufragi a les dones pakistaneses el 1947,[15] i es va reafirmar el dret a votar a les eleccions nacionals del 1956 segons la Constitució provisional.[16] La provisió de reserves d'escons per a dones al Parlament va existir al llarg de la història constitucional del Pakistan des de 1956 fins a 1973. Si el general Ayub Khan haguès organitzar eleccions justes, Fatima Jinnah s’hauria convertit en la primera presidenta musulmana del país musulmà més gran del món.

Tot i això, malgrat aquest contratemps, durant les dècades de 1950 i 1960 es van prendre diverses iniciatives a favor de les dones. També la primera dona Lambardar o Numberdar (persona principal del poble) del Pakistan Occidental, Begum Sarwat Imtiaz, va prestar jurament al Poble 43/12-L de Chichawatni, districte de Montgomery (actual Sahiwal), el 1959. L'ordenança musulmana de la Llei de la família de 1961[17] (que regulava el matrimoni, el divorci i la poligàmia)[18] continua tenint un impacte legal significatiu en les dones del Pakistan.

El govern de Zulfikar Ali Bhutto[modifica]

El règim de Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1970-1977) va ser un període d’actituds liberals envers les dones. Tots els serveis governamentals es van obrir a les dones, inclòs el grup de gestió del districte i el servei exterior (en la funció pública), que se'ls havia denegat anteriorment. Aproximadament el 10% dels escons a l'Assemblea Nacional i el 5% a les assemblees provincials estaven reservats a les dones, sense cap restricció a la disputa també d'escons generals. Tanmateix, la implementació d’aquestes polítiques va ser pobra, ja que el Govern es va enfrontar a una crisi financera a causa de la guerra amb l’Índia i la consegüent escissió del país.[10]

La igualtat de gènere es garantia específicament a la Constitució del Pakistan adoptada el 1973. La constitució estableix que «no hi haurà discriminació basada només en el sexe». La Constitució també proporciona la protecció del matrimoni, la família, la mare i el fill, a més de garantir «la plena participació de les dones en tots els àmbits de la vida nacional».[19] No obstant això, molts jutges van confirmar les «lleis de l'islam», sovint mal interpretades, sobre la garantia de la Constitució de no-discriminació i igualtat segons la llei.[20]

El 1975, una delegació oficial del Pakistan va participar a la Conferència Mundial sobre les Dones a Mèxic, que va conduir a la constitució del primer Comitè de Drets de les Dones del Pakistan.

El règim militar de Zia-ul-Haq[modifica]

Article principal: Islamització de Zia-ul-Haq

El general Zia ul-Haq, aleshores cap cap d'estat major, va derrocar el govern de Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, elegit democràticament, en un cop militar el 5 de juliol de 1977. El Sisè Pla durant la llei marcial del règim del general Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1986) va estar ple de contradiccions polítiques. El règim va fer molts passos cap a la construcció institucional per al desenvolupament de les dones, com l'establiment de la Divisió de Dones a la Secretaria del Gabinet i el nomenament d'una altra comissió sobre la condició de la dona. Es va incloure per primera vegada al Sisè Pla un capítol sobre dones en desenvolupament. El capítol va ser preparat per un grup de treball format per 28 dones professionals dirigides per Syeda Abida Hussain, presidenta del consell del districte de Jhang en aquell moment. L'objectiu principal, tal com s'indica al Sisè Pla, era «adoptar un enfocament integrat per a millorar la condició de les dones».[10] El 1981, el general Zia-ul-Haq va nomenar el Majlis-e-Shoora (Parlament del Pakistan) i va incorporar a 20 dones com a membres, tot i que el Majlis-e-Shoora no tenia cap poder sobre el poder executiu.[21] El 1985, l'Assemblea Nacional elegida mitjançant eleccions sense partits va duplicar la quota reservada per a dones (el 20%).

No obstant això, Zia-ul-Haq va iniciar un procés d'islamització mitjançant la introducció de legislacions discriminatòries contra les dones, com ara el conjunt de les Ordenances Hudood i l'ordre Qanun-e-Shahadat (Ordre de la Llei de l'evidència). Va prohibir la participació de les dones i ser espectadores en els esports i va promocionar la purdah.[10] Va suspendre tots els drets fonamentals garantits a la Constitució que s’havien adoptat el 1973, inclòs el dret a la no discriminació per raó de sexe. També va proposar lleis sobre Qisas i Diyat, lleis penals islàmiques que regulen la retribució (qisas) i la indemnització (diyat) en delictes relacionats amb lesions corporals. Quan la víctima era una dona, la quantitat de diyat es reduïa a la meitat.[22]

L’Ordenança sobre el Zina (una aplicació de les Ordenances Hudood), de 1979, era una subcategoria de les Ordenances de Hudood. Zina és el delicte de relacions sexuals no matrimonials i d'adulteri. L'Ordenança sobre el Zina incloïa zina-bil-jabr, la categoria de relacions sexuals forçades. Si la dona que acusa un home de zina-bil-jabr (violació) no pot demostrar davant el sistema judicial que va ser violada, s’enfronta a càrrecs d’adulteri.[23] Per tal que un violador rebi el «hadd», el màxim càstig previst a l'Alcorà, o bé el violador ha de confessar la violació, o bé quatre homes piadosos musulmans adults han de presenciar el mateix «acte de penetració» i declarar contra el violador.[24] Sota el Qanun-e-Shahadat, el testimoni d’una dona no val el mateix que el d’un home.[25] Per tant, si una dona no té homes testimonis però té dones testimonis, el seu testimoni no satisfaria el requisit per a l'evidència. L'autor pot ser absolt i la víctima pot ser acusada d'adulteri. L'amenaça de ser processades dissuadeix les víctimes de presentar denúncies. A més, es va eliminar la possibilitat legal de la violació conjugal; per definició, la violació es va convertir en un delicte extraconjugal segons l’Ordenança sobre el Zina. L'ordenança va provocar crítiques internacionals. Els grups de defensa de drets de les dones van ajudar a la producció d'una pel·lícula titulada Qui llançarà la primera pedra? de la directora de cinema Sabiha Sumar per destacar l’opressió i els sofriments de les dones segons les Ordenances Hudood.[26]

Al setembre de 1981, es van deixar de banda la primera sentència i condemna segons l’Ordenança sobre el Zina de lapidació (rajm ; رجم‎) per a Fehmida i Allah Bakhsh sota la pressió nacional i internacional. El setembre de 1981, les dones es van reunir a Karachi en una reunió d'emergència per a oposar-se als efectes adversos de la llei marcial i la campanya d'islamització per a les dones. Van inicir el que després es va convertir en el primer moviment nacional de dones de ple dret al Pakistan, el Fòrum d’Acció de les Dones (خواتین کی عمل فورم). El Fòrum d’Acció de les Dones va organitzar protestes i campanyes públiques contra les Ordenances Hudood, la Llei de l'evidència i les lleis Qisas i Diyat (que com a resultat van ser temporalment arxivades).[27]

El 1983, una nena orfe de tretze anys, Jehan Mina, va ser presumptament violada pel seu oncle i els seus fills i va quedar embarassada. No va poder proporcionar prou proves que la violessin. Va ser acusada d'adulteri i el tribunal va considerar el seu embaràs com la prova d'adulteri. Se li va concedir el càstig de Tazir per cent punyetes i tres anys de presó rigorosa.[28]

-In 1983, an orphaned, thirteen-year-old girl Jehan Mina was allegedly raped by her uncle and his sons, and became pregnant. She was unable to provide enough evidence that she was raped. She was charged with adultery and the court considered her pregnancy as the proof of adultery. She was awarded the Tazir punishment of one hundred lashes and three years of rigorous imprisonment.

El 1983, Safia Bibi, una serventa domèstica adolescent gairebé cega, va ser presumptament violada pel seu patró i el seu fill. Per manca d’evidències, va ser condemnada per adulteri segons l’ordenança Zina, mentre els violadors van ser absolts. Va ser condemnada a quinze pestanyes, cinc anys de presó i una multa de 1000 rupies. La decisió va atreure tanta publicitat i condemna per part del públic i de la premsa que el Tribunal Federal de Shariah, d’ofici, va demanar el registre del cas i va ordenar que fos alliberada de la presó pel seu propi vincle. Posteriorment, en apel·lació, es va revertir la constatació del tribunal de primera instància i es va anul·lar la condemna.[29]

-In 1983, Safia Bibi, a nearly blind teenaged domestic servant was allegedly raped by her employer and his son. Due to lack of evidence, she was convicted for adultery under the Zina ordinance, while the rapists were acquitted. She was sentenced to fifteen lashes, five years imprisonment, and a fine of 1000 rupees. The decision attracted so much publicity and condemnation from the public and the press that the Federal Shariah Court of its own motion, called for the records of the case and ordered that she should be released from prison on her own bond. Subsequently, on appeal, the finding of the trial court was reversed and the conviction was set aside.

La missió de la Comissió Internacional de Juristes al Pakistan de desembre de 1986 va demanar la derogació de les seccions de les Ordenances Hudood relatives als crims i als càstigs islàmics que discriminen les dones i els no musulmans.

-The International Commission of Jurists' December 1986 mission to Pakistan called for repeal of the sections of the Hudood Ordinances relating to crimes and of Islamic punishments that discriminate against women and non-Muslims.

Hi ha una evidència considerable que la legislació durant aquest període ha afectat negativament la vida de les dones pakistaneses i les ha fet més vulnerables a la violència extrema. La majoria de dones a la presó havien estat acusades d'acord amb l'ordenança Hudood. De la mateixa manera, un estudi nacional va trobar que el 21% de les persones que residien en refugis per a dones (Darul Aman) tenien casos Hudood contra elles.[30] Segons un informe d’Amnistia Internacional del 1998, més d’un terç de les dones pakistaneses a la presó estaven detingudes per haver estat acusades o declarades culpables de zina.[31]

-There is considerable evidence that legislation during this period has negatively impacted Pakistani women's lives and made them more vulnerable to extreme violence. The majority of women in prison had been charged under the Hudood Ordinance. Similarly, a national study found that 21% of those residing in shelters for women (Darul Aman) had Hudood cases against them. According to a 1998 report by Amnesty International, more than one-third of all Pakistani women in prison were being held due to having been accused or found guilty of zina.

El govern de Benazir Bhutto[modifica]

Benazir Bhutto became the first woman elected to lead a Muslim state. She was assassinated while campaigning for the Pakistani general election of 2008.

Després del règim de Zia-ul-Haq, es va produir un canvi visible en el context polític a favor de les dones. El setè, vuitè i novè plans formulats sota diversos governs elegits democràticament han fet clarament esforços per incloure les preocupacions de les dones en el procés de planificació. No obstant això, el desenvolupament previst no va aconseguir solucionar les desigualtats de gènere a causa de la bretxa entre la intenció i la implementació de la política.

-After Zia-ul-Haq's regime, there was a visible change in the policy context in favour of women. The Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth plans formulated under various democratically elected governments have clearly made efforts to include women's concerns in the planning process. However, planned development failed to address gender inequalities due to the gap between policy intent and implementation.[10]

El 1988, Benazir Bhutto (filla de Zulfikar Ali Bhutto) es va convertir en la primera dona primera ministra del Pakistan i la primera dona elegida per dirigir un país musulmà. Durant les seves campanyes electorals, va expressar la seva preocupació per qüestions socials de dones, salut i discriminació de les dones. També va anunciar plans per crear comissaries de policia, jutjats i bancs de desenvolupament de dones. També va prometre derogar les controvertides lleis de Hudood que restringien els drets de les dones. No obstant això, durant els seus dos incomplits mandats (1988-1990 i 1993-1996), Benazir Bhutto no va proposar cap legislació per millorar els serveis de benestar social per a les dones. No va ser capaç de derogar cap de les lleis d'islamització de Zia-ul-Haq. En virtut de la vuitena esmena constitucional imposada per Zia-ul-Haq, aquestes lleis es van protegir tant de la modificació legislativa ordinària com de la revisió judicial

-In 1988, Benazir Bhutto (Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's daughter) became the first female Prime Minister of Pakistan, and the first woman elected to head a Muslim country.[32] During her election campaigns, she voiced concerns over social issues of women, health and discrimination against women. She also announced plans to set up women's police stations, courts and women's development banks. She also promised to repeal controversial Hudood laws that curtailed the rights of women However, during her two incomplete terms in office (1988–90 and 1993–96), Benazir Bhutto did not propose any legislation to improve welfare services for women. She was not able to repeal a single one of Zia-ul-Haq's Islamisation laws. By virtue of the eighth constitutional amendment imposed by Zia-ul-Haq, these laws were protected both from ordinary legislative modification and from judicial review.[27]

A principis de 1988, el cas de Shahida Parveen i Muhammad Sarwar va provocar amarga crítica pública. El primer marit de Shahida, Khushi Muhammad, s'havia divorciat d'ella i els papers s'havien signat davant d'un magistrat. El marit, però, no havia registrat els documents de divorci al consell local tal com exigeix la llei, cosa que feia que el divorci no fos legalment vinculant. Sense saber-ho, Shahida, després del període obligatori d’espera de 96 dies (iddat), es va tornar a casar. El seu primer marit, rebotat d'un intent fallit d'un segon matrimoni, va decidir que volia tornar a la seva primera esposa Shahida. El segon matrimoni de Shahida va ser considerat invàlid. Ella i el seu segon marit, Sarwar, van ser acusats d'adulteri. Van ser condemnats a mort per lapidació. Les crítiques públiques van conduir al seu nou judici i absolució per part del Tribunal Federal Shariah.

-In early 1988, the case of Shahida Parveen and Muhammad Sarwar sparked bitter public criticism. Shahida's first husband, Khushi Muhammad, had divorced her and the papers had been signed in front of a magistrate. The husband however, had not registered the divorce documents in the local council as required by law, rendering the divorce not legally binding. Unaware of this, Shahida, after her mandatory 96-day period of waiting (iddat), remarried. Her first husband, rebounding from a failed attempt at a second marriage, decided he wanted his first wife Shahida back. Shahida's second marriage was ruled invalid. She and her second husband, Sarwar were charged with adultery. They were sentenced to death by stoning.[28] The public criticism led to their retrial and acquittal by the Federal Shariah Court.

El Ministeri de Desenvolupament de la Dona (MWD) va establir centres d’Estudis sobre la Dona a cinc universitats a Islamabad, Karachi, Quetta, Peshawar i Lahore el 1989. No obstant això, quatre d’aquests centres van esdevenir gairebé no funcionals a causa de la manca de suport financer i administratiu. Només el centre de la Universitat de Karachi (finançat per l'Agència Canadenca de Desenvolupament Internacional) va ser capaç de dirigir un programa de màster en arts.

-Ministry of Women's Development (MWD) established Women's Studies centres at five universities in Islamabad, Karachi, Quetta, Peshawar, and Lahore in 1989. However, four of these centres became almost non-functional due to lack of financial and administrative support.[10] Only the center at University of Karachi (funded by the Canadian International Development Agency) was able to run a master of arts programme.

El First Women Bank Ltd. (FWBL) es va crear el 1989 per atendre les necessitats financeres de les dones. FWBL, un banc comercial nacionalitzat, va rebre el paper d'una institució financera per al desenvolupament, així com d'una organització de benestar social. Opera 38 oficines en línia a tot el país en temps real, gestionades i gestionades per dones. MWD va proporcionar una línia de crèdit de 48 milions de rupies a FWBL per finançar sistemes de crèdit a petita escala per a dones desfavorides. El Programa d’Acció Social iniciat el 1992/93 tenia com a objectiu reduir les disparitats de gènere millorant l’accés de les dones als serveis socials.

-The First Women Bank Ltd. (FWBL) was established in 1989 to address women's financial needs. FWBL, a nationalised commercial bank, was given the rôle of a development finance institution, as well as of a social welfare organisation. It operates 38 real-time online branches across the country, managed and run by women. MWD provided a credit line of Rs 48 million to FWBL to finance small-scale credit schemes for disadvantaged women. The Social Action Programme launched in 1992/93 aimed at reducing gender disparities by improving women's access to social services.

El Pakistan es va adherir a la Convenció sobre l’eliminació de totes les formes de discriminació contra les dones (CEDAW) el 29 de febrer de 1996. El Ministeri de Desenvolupament de la Dona (MWD) és el mecanisme nacional designat per a la seva implementació. Tanmateix, MWD es va enfrontar inicialment a una manca de recursos. El Pakistan no va presentar el seu informe inicial que s'havia de lliurar el 1997. El Pakistan no va signar ni va ratificar el Protocol Facultatiu de la Convenció sobre les Dones, que ha provocat la no disponibilitat de vies per presentar queixes per part de persones o grups contra el Pakistan en virtut de CEDAW

-Pakistan acceded to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) on 29 February 1996.[33] The Ministry of Women Development (MWD) is the designated national focal machinery for its implementation. However MWD faced a lack of resources initially.[10] Pakistan failed to submit its initial report that was due in 1997.[34] Pakistan neither signed nor ratified the Optional Protocol of the Women's Convention, which has led to non-availability of avenues for filing grievances by individuals or groups against Pakistan under CEDAW.[20]

El govern de Nawaz Sharif[modifica]

In 1997, Nawaz Sharif was elected as the Prime Minister. He had also held office for a truncated term (1990–1993), during which he had promised to adopt Islamic law as the supreme law of Pakistan.

In 1997, the Nawaz Sharif government formally enacted the Qisas and Diyat Ordinance, which institutes shariah-based changes in Pakistan's criminal law. The ordinance had earlier been kept in force by invoking the president's power to re-issue it every four months.[27]

Sharif then proposed a fifteenth amendment to the Constitution that would entirely replace the existing legal system with a comprehensive Islamic one and would override the "constitution and any law or judgment of any court.".[35] The proposal was approved in the National Assembly (lower house), where Sharif's party has a commanding majority, but, it remained stalled in the Senate after facing strong opposition from women's groups, human rights activists, and opposition political parties.[36]

A 1997 ruling by the Lahore High Court, in the highly publicised Saima Waheed case, upheld a woman's right to marry freely but called for amendments to the 1965 Family Laws, on the basis of Islamic norms, to enforce parental authority to discourage "love marriages".[27]

The report of the Inquiry of the Commission for Women (1997) clearly stated that the Hudood legislation must be repealed as it discriminates against women and is in conflict with their fundamental rights. A similar commission during Benazir Bhutto's administration had also recommended amending certain aspects of Hudood Ordinance. However, neither Benazir Bhutto nor Nawaz Sharif implemented these recommendations.

The enhancement of women's status was stated as one of the 16 goals listed in the Pakistan 2010 Program (1997), a critical policy document. However, the document omits women while listing 21 major areas of interests. Similarly, another major policy document, the "Human Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy" (1999), mentioned women as a target group for poverty reduction but lacks gender framework.

The country's first all-women university, named after Fatima Jinnah, was inaugurated on 6 August 1998. It suffered from delays in the release of development funds from the Federal Government.[10]

El règim de Pervez Musharraf[modifica]

In 2000, the Church of Pakistan ordained its first women deacons.[37] In 2002 (and later during court trials in 2005), the case of Mukhtaran Mai brought the plight of rape victims in Pakistan under an international spotlight. On 2 September 2004, the Ministry of Women Development was made an independent ministry, separating from the Social Welfare and Education Ministry.

In July 2006, General Pervez Musharraf asked his Government to begin work on amendments to the controversial 1979 Hudood Ordinance introduced under Zia-ul-Haq's régime.[38] He asked the Law Ministry and the Council of Islamic Ideology (under the Ministry of Religious Affairs) to build a consensus for the amendments to the laws. On 7 July 2006 General Musharraf signed an ordinance for the immediate release on bail of around 1300 women who were currently languishing in jails on charges other than terrorism and murder.[39]

In late 2006, the Pakistani parliament passed the Women's Protection Bill, repealing some of the Hudood Ordinances. The bill allowed for DNA and other scientific evidence to be used in prosecuting rape cases.[40] The passing of the Bill and the consequent signing of it into law by President General Pervez Musharraf invoked protests from hard-line Islamist leaders and organisations.[41][42] Some experts also stated that the reforms will be impossible to enforce.[43]

The Cabinet has approved reservation of 10% quota for women in Central Superior Services in its meeting held on 12 July 2006.[44] Earlier, there was a 5% quota for women across the board in all Government departments. In December 2006, Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz approved the proposal by Ministry of Women Development, to extend this quota to 10%.[45]

In 2006, The Protection of Women (Criminal Laws Amendment) Act was also passed.[46] In December 2006, for the first time, women cadets from the Military Academy Kakul assumed guard duty at the mausoleum of Muhammad Ali Jinnah.[47]

The Women's Protection Bill, however, has been criticised by many including human rights and women's rights activists for only paying lip service and failing to repeal the Hudood Ordinances.[48][49]

El president Asif Zardari[modifica]

El nomenament de dones[modifica]

Coming into power it appointed a female member of parliament and party loyalist Dr. Fehmida Mirza as the first female speaker in South Asia. During the tenure Pakistan saw its first female foreign minister, Hina Rabbani Khar, first secretary of defence, Nargis Sethi,[50] deputy speaker of a province Shehla Raza and numerous female ministers, ambassadors, secretaries including Farahnaz Ispahani,[51] Media Advisor to former President of Pakistan and co-chairman PPP, Sherry Rehman[52] former ambassador of Pakistan to US, Fauzia Wahab, Firdous Ashiq Awan, Farzana Raja, Shazia Marri, Sharmila Faruqi and others held prestigious positions within the administration.

Legislation for protection of women[modifica]

On 29 January 2010 the President signed the 'Protection against Harassment of Women at Workplace Bill 2009' which the parliament adopted on 21 January 2010.[53] Two additional bills were signed into law by the President in December 2012 criminalising the primitive practices of Vani, watta-satta, swara and marriage to the Quran which used women as tradable commodities for settlement of disputes. In addition the punishment for acid throwing to life imprisonment.[54] The government further established special task force in the interior Sindh region to for action against the practice of Karo-Kari establishing helplines and offices in the districts of Sukkur, Jacobabad, Larkana and Khairpur.

In 2012 the government revived the National Commission on Status of Women established by General Musharraf for three years in 2000, later being revived for three years at a time. The bill moved by government established the commission as a permanent body with the task to ensure the implementation of women protection legislation and abuses against women.

In February 2012, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement held the world's largest women's political rally in Karachi, with an estimated 100,000 women in attendance.[55]

Criminal Law (Amendment) (Offense of Rape) Act 2016[modifica]

On 7 October 2016, Pakistan's parliament unanimously passed a new anti-rape and anti-honour killing bills. The new laws introduced harsher punishments for the perpetrators of such crimes.[56] According to the new anti-rape bill, DNA testing was made mandatory in rape cases.[57] Sabotaging or disrupting the work of a police officer or Government official could result in imprisonment of 1 year under the new law. Government officials who are found taking advantage of their official position to commit act of rape (e.g. custodial rape) are liable to imprisonment for life and a fine.[58] According to the new law, anyone who rapes a minor or a mentally or physically disabled person will be liable for the death penalty or life imprisonment.[59]

Recording of statement of the female survivor of rape or sexual harassment shall be done by an Investigating Officer, in the presence of a female police officer, or a female family member of the survivor. Survivors of rape shall be provided legal aid (if needed) by the Provincial Bar Council. The new law also declares that trials for offences such as rape and related crimes shall be conducted in-camera and also allows for the use of technology such as video links to record statements of the victim and witnesses, to spare them the humiliation or risk entailed by court appearances.[59] The media will also be restricted from publishing or publicising the names or any information that would reveal the identity of a victim, except when publishing court judgements.[59] The trial for rape shall conclude within three months. However, if the trial is not completed within three months then the case shall be brought to the notice of the Chief Justice of the High Court for appropriate directions.[58] The new bill also ensures that sex workers are also included in the law's protection.[59]

UN Women Executive Director, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, hailed the Government of Pakistan's decision to pass the anti-rape and anti-honour killing bills.[57]

Practices[modifica]

Traditional lives of south Asian women in general & Muslim women in Pakistan in Particular were restricted to Chulha Cawka Char Diwari i.e. Kitchen stove with four walls; with additional burden of chastity, modesty and family honour being governed by misogyny & patriarchy, where in various levels of social seclusion from mandating pallu to dupatta, Purdah to Burqua were imposed on women and free dignified access to public places usually denied to women.

Purdah[modifica]

A meeting of the All-India Muslim League in Lahore in 1940 shows Amjadi Begum in a body length burqa.

Purdah norms are followed in few communities of Pakistan.[60][61] It is practised in various ways, depending on family tradition, region, class, and rural or urban residence.[62] Purdah is most likely to be practised among the Pashtuns[63] and the Muslim Rajputs.[64] Now, many women in Pakistan don't practise Purdah, which is opposed by many religious scholars. Generally, women living in more developed areas like Lahore, Karachi and Islamabad are more liberal in terms of dressing than women living in less developed areas.

Child marriage (vani)[modifica]

Although the Child Marriages Restraint Act makes it illegal for girls under the age of 16 to be married, instances of child marriages are commonly found in rural areas. Vani is a child marriage custom followed in tribal areas and the Punjab province. The young girls are forcibly married off in order to resolve the feuds between different clans;[65] the Vani can be avoided if the clan of the girl agrees to pay money, called Deet, to other clans.[66] Swara, Pait likkhi and Addo Baddo are similar tribal and rural customs that often promote marriage of girls in their early teenage years. In one extreme case in 2012, a local Jirga in Aari village, Swat ordered that Roza Bibi, a girl of six, must be married off to settle a dispute between her family and the rival family.[67] As of 2018, the trend of Vani is decreased very much, allowing more young girls to live their childhood freely.

Watta satta[modifica]

Watta satta is a tribal custom in which brides are traded between two clans. In order to marry off a son, one must also have a daughter to marry off in return. If there is no sister to exchange in return for a son's spouse, a cousin, or a distant relative can also do. Even though Islamic law requires that both partners explicitly consent to marriage, women are often forced into marriages arranged by their fathers or tribal leaders.[20] Watta satta is most common in rural parts of northwest and west Pakistan, and its tribal regions.[68][69]

Dowry[modifica]

Like in other parts of South Asia, the custom of dowry is practised in Pakistan,[70] and conflicts related to it often result in violence, even dowry deaths. At over 2000 dowry-related deaths per year, and annual rates exceeding 2.45 deaths per 100,000 women from dowry-related violence, Pakistan has the highest reported number of dowry death rates per 100,000 women in the world.[71][72]

Violence against women[modifica]

In 1999, at least 1000 women were murdered in Pakistan and 90% of women reported being subject to domestic violence. Law enforcement authorities routinely dismiss domestic violence as private disputes.[73] With domestic violence cases, it is important to acknowledge that marital rape is not considered a crime. Most women do not report the abuse they experience because they want to avoid ruining their family's reputation, they are scared the abuse will worse, and they are afraid they would be separated from their husband and kids.[73] For the women that do report abuse, they are often harassed by the police and their families; about 33% of women were a victim of physical abuse and did not make any reports.[73] When it comes to marital abuse, pregnant women are even victims. In order to cope, some women enter religious communities or religious events to avoid being home and further altercations. Some ask for help from their friends and family, but most are reluctant to make formal complaints because they feel as if they would not be understood.[74]

Rape[modifica]

Article principal: Violació al Pakistan

Women who report rape or sexual assault by strangers are often disbelieved and treated with disrespect by abusive police, forensic doctors who focus on virginity status instead of injuries and skeptical judges. Police in Pakistan often refuse to record the complaint of women when an officer may have been involved.[75] Pakistan's rape law allows marital, does not define statutory rape and in some cases women are not allowed to testify.[73] Instances such as rape are not taken towards action because of Islamic beliefs. The words of rape victims are not taken with serious matter and fail to prove that the victim is telling the truth.[76] In the year 2006, President Pervez Musharraf passed the Protection of Women Act. The purpose of it was for women to be provided with relief and to be able to have protection under the Hudood Ordinance and back into the prosecution under the Pakistani Criminal code. The act recognized rape under five circumstances, against [a woman's] will, without [a women's] consent, with [a woman's] consent, when the consent has been obtained by putting a woman in fear or of hurt, with her consent, when the man knows that he is not married to her and that the consent is given because she believes that the man is another person to whom she is or believes herself to be married; or with or without her consent when she is under sixteen years of age. Because of the act, a person in Pakistan was punishable by either death or imprisoned up to 10 to 25 years. Although the act was passed, there were no significant effects in which investigations were done on rape victims.[76] On 17 April 2002, a woman by the name Zafran Bibi, who was 26 at the time, was sentenced to death by stoning in Pakistan. Zafran Bibi stepped forward as a rape victim in Pakistan. Bibi was recast as guilty for having sexual intercourse outside of valid marriage and was sentenced to death because of this incident. Bibi stated that she was tortured and raped by her brother-in-law, Jamal Khan. Her husband was in jail when the incident occurred.[77] Human rights groups saw that Zafran Bibi sentence was bizarre and the actions that were taken towards her case were not taken in the matter that it should have been. The pressure of the Human Rights group ultimately led the court to overturn her sentence.

Honour killings (karo-kari)[modifica]

Article principal: Honour killing in Pakistan

A majority of the victims of honour killings are women and the punishments meted out to the murderers are very lenient.[78][79][80]

In 2010, it was reported that more than 1,000 honour killing occur every year in Pakistan and India.[81]

The practice of summary killing of a person suspected of an illicit liaison is known as karo kari in Sindh and Balochistan. In December 2004, the Government passed a bill that made karo kari punishable under the same penal provisions as murder.[82] In 2016, Pakistan repealed the loophole which allowed the perpetrators of honour killings to avoid punishment by seeking forgiveness for the crime from another family member, and thus be legally pardoned.[83] Many cases of honour killings have been reported against women who marry against their family's wishes, who seek divorce or who have been raped. In addition, women of lower classes are more prone to being victims of honour killings or rape.

Acid attacks[modifica]

Acid attacks occur within the public sphere. Acid and kerosene are thrown at women, mostly in the direction of their faces, as a form of permanent punishment.[84] Many women do not report these attacks out of fear of getting attacked again or to protect the groups of people committing the attacks.[84] Hundreds of women are victims of these attacks and some die from their injuries.[84] When these attacks are reported they are written off as mistakes or suicides at times.[84] In order to help with these attacks, the Depilex Smileagain Foundation provides victims of acid attacks with the opportunity to undergo surgery to heal their faces with the help of experienced doctors, while receiving the medical services they need to recover.[84]

Under the Qisas (eye-for-an-eye) law of Pakistan, the perpetrator could suffer the same fate as the victim, if the victim or the victim's guardian chooses. The perpetrator may be punished by having drops of acid placed in their eyes.[85][86] Section 336B of Pakistan Penal Code states: "Whoever causes hurt by corrosive substance shall be punished with imprisonment for life or imprisonment of either description which shall not be less than fourteen years and a minimum fine of one million rupees."[86] Additionally, section 299 defines Qisas and states: "Qisas means punishment by causing similar hurt at the same part of the body of the convict as he has caused to the victim or by causing his death if he has committed qatl-iamd (intentional manslaughter) in exercise of the right of the victim or a Wali (the guardian of the victim)."[86]

Infanticidi femení[modifica]

Three different research studies, according to Klausen and Wink, note that Pakistan had the world's highest percentage of missing girls, relative to its total pre-adult female population.[87]

Marriage to the Quran[modifica]

In some parts of Sindh, the practice of marrying a woman to the Quran is prevalent among landlords; it requires that the woman live without a husband throughout her life. Although it is alien to Islam and has no religious basis, the practice is often used by men to keep and grab the land of their sisters and daughters.[88]

Matrimoni entre cosins[modifica]

According to Prof Huma Arshad Cheema (HOD Department of Pediatric Gastroenterology of the Children’s Hospital, Lahore), 50 per cent of infant mortality in Pakistan is attributed to Inherited Metabolic Disorders besides inherited or genetic diseases affecting liver, heart, kidney and brain in children.[89] As per Dr Areeba Farrukh, a Pediatric Resident at National Institute of Child Health (NICH), Karachi, cousin marriages are also an important reason for diseases like thalassemia and faulty haemoglobin build-up, which can eventually lead to iron deficiency and anemia.[90]

According to joint research study conducted in 2016-2017 by scholars of Department of Biological Science Gomal University, and Institute of Biotechnology and Genetic Engineering University of Agriculture Peshawar; high rate of consanguinity in Pakistan does contribute to hereditary hearing loss and to minimize such risks genetic counseling is required.[94] Many girls groomed and pressured to accept cousin marriages to keep familial feudal properties and relations intact,[95][96][97] in process kids do suffer various kind of genetic disabilities on account of traditions of cousin marriages.[96][98] According to Sadia Saeed deformed 'A DCY3' mutations lead to slow learning and from mild to moderate intellectual disabilities, loss of sense of smell to gaining obesity with more likelihood of diabetes in here in life.[99] 'MARK3' mutation may leads to progressive Phthisis bulbi (shrinkage of the eyeball).[99] Mutation IQSEC1 can be a cause of intellectual disability, developmental delays, short stature, speech loss, low muscle tone and, in some cases, seizures and aggressive behavior.[100]

Cultura[modifica]

Vegeu també: Cultura del Pakistan i Paper de la dona en els mitjans de comunicació del Pakistani

While some feminists contest the term, still the word Aurat is most used term for women in Pakistan.

Although Pakistan's population is almost entirely Muslim (96.4% as of 2010[101]), women's status differs significantly by community.[102] Women's dress varies depending on region, class and occasion, but shalwar kameez is the principal garment worn by Pakistani women.[103] Ghararas (a loose divided skirt worn with a blouse) and lehengas were once common, but are now worn mostly at weddings.

Few Pakistani women wear the hijab or burqa in public, and the degree to which they choose to cover varies; with the use of the burqa being primarily predominant in Pashtun territories.[104] Some traditionally Afghan clothing styles have become prevalent in recent decades in some areas of Pakistan.[104] Pakistan has no laws banning or enforcing the hijab. Surveys conducted in Pakistan show that most women wearing the hijab do so of their own choice. The veil is not an absolute requirement, and women may even wear jeans and T-shirts in urban areas of Karachi, Lahore, Islamabad and other big cities. In the last five years, western dressing has become much more common among women in cities. Many women wear pants, plazzo and tight jeans with long shirts as well as short shirts. Most women in small cities and rural areas wear the Shalwar Kameez, which consists of a tunic top and baggy trouser set which covers their arms, legs and body. A loose dupatta scarf is also worn around the shoulders, upper chest and head. Men also have a similar dress code, but only women are expected to wear a dupatta in public.[105][106]

Some Pakistani women who do not wear the hijab may wear the dupatta or chadar instead.

A sari is a formal dress worn on special occasions by some, mainly urban, women. The Islamization under General Zia ul Haq's dictatorship branded the sari as an "un-Islamic" form of dress.[103] but it has made a comeback in fashionable circles.

Education and economic development[modifica]

In Pakistan, the women's access to property, education, employment etc. remains considerably lower compared to men's.[61] The social and cultural context of Pakistani society has historically been predominantly patriarchal.[10] Women have a low percentage of participation in society outside of the family.[107] As per research study of Khurshid,Gillani, Hashmi; Pakistani school textbooks are discreminatory towards female representation in quantity and status. History taught in Pakistani school text books is mostly male oriented, in Urdu school books women religious role too is less depicted, women get depicted in inferior position compared to men.[108]

Education[modifica]

Vegeu també: Educació de les dones al Pakistan


Despite the improvement in Pakistan's literacy rate since its independence, the educational status of Pakistani women is among the lowest in the world.[61] The literacy rate for urban women is more than five times the rate for rural women.[60] The literacy rate is still lower for women compared to men: the literacy rate is 45.8% for females, while for males it is 69.5% (aged 15 or older, data from 2015).[101]

At the end of the 20th century, the school drop-out rate among girls was very high (almost 50 percent), even though the educational achievements of female students were higher than male students at different levels of education.[10] Since then, education for women has improved rapidly. In Lahore there are 46 public colleges out of which 26 are female colleges and some of the others are co-educational. Similarly the public universities of Pakistan have female enrollment than male.[109]

UNESCO and the Orascom subsidiary of Pakistan telco, Mobilink have been using mobile phones to educate women and improve their literacy skills since 4 July 2010. The local BUNYAD Foundation of Lahore and the UN's work via the Dakar Framework of Action for EFA are also helping with this issue.[110]

As of 2010, the literacy rate of females in Pakistan was at 39.6 percent compared to that of males at 67.7 percent.[111] More recent statistics provided by the UNICEF - shows that female education amongst 15-24-year olds has increased substantially to 61.5% - an increase of 45%. Male education is at a steady rate of 71.2%.[112]

The objectives of education policies in Pakistan aim to achieve equality in education between girls and boys and to reduce the gender gap in the educational system.[113] However, the policy also encourages girls, mainly in rural areas of Pakistan, to acquire basic home management skills, which are preferred over full-scale primary education. The attitudes towards women in Pakistani culture make the fight for educational equality more difficult. The lack of democracy and feudal practices of Pakistan also contribute to the gender gap in the educational system.[111] Girls of rural areas are facing many problems regarding their studies. There are several issues and causes of education problems for girls in rural areas of Pakistan. Inaccessibility of education in Pakistan, especially in backward areas is a result of distance, child labour, scarcity of teachers, local leaders, frequent policy changes and fear of losing power. In KPK and Balochistan women are severely bound by cultural constraints and prejudices. They are involved in reproductive and productive and community work for 14 to 18 hours. Women, which are 51% on the country's population, have been forced to just bear children for their husband and remain within their houses. In Balochistan, female literacy rate stands between 15 and 25%. In backward areas, girls schools are far away from their homes, many families cannot afford travelling expenses for their children. Separate schools for girls are not available. Girls live in fear due to extremist policy. In KPK militant groups have blasted thousands of schools because they are against women education, they have given threats to several governments and private girls school for stopping girls education.[114]

This feudal system leaves the underpowered, women in particular, in a very vulnerable position. The long-lived socio-cultural belief that women play a reproductive role within the confines of the home leads to the belief that educating women holds no value. Although the government declared that all children of the ages 5–16 can go to school, there are 7.261 million children out of school at the primary level in Pakistan, and 58% are female (UNESCO, Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2011).[115] Although girls have the right to get an education legally, in many rural regions of Pakistan girls are strongly discouraged from going to school and discriminated against, as there are violent acts such as acid throwing which many girls fall victim to for attending school.

Rural/urban divide and government policy[modifica]

Females are educated equally like Males in urban areas such as Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi. However, in rural areas, the education rate is substantially lower. This has begun to change with the issuance of government policy, in which 70% of new schools are built for girls,[116] and also plans to increase the size of women's school so that the infrastructure matches those of men's schools[117] and more female colleges have also been established in order to provide women with higher education.[118]

Women in elite urban districts of Pakistan enjoy a far more privileged lifestyle than those living in rural tribal areas. Women in urbanized districts typically lead more elite lifestyles and have more opportunities for education. Rural and tribal areas of Pakistan have an increasingly high rate of poverty and alarmingly low literacy rates. In 2002 it was recorded that 81.5 percent of 15- to 19-year-old girls from high-income families had attended school while 22.3 percent of girls from low-income families had ever attended school.[111]

In comparison, it was recorded that 96.6 percent of Pakistani boys ages 15–19 coming from high-income families had attended schooling while 66.1 percent of 15- to 19-year-old boys from low-income families had attended school.[111] Girls living in rural areas are encouraged not to go to school because they are needed in the home to do work at a young age. In most rural villages, secondary schooling simply does not exist for girls, leaving them no choice but to prepare for marriage and do household tasks. These rural areas often have inadequate funding and schooling for girls is at the bottom of their priorities.

Employment[modifica]

Pakistan is a largely rural society (almost two-thirds of the population lives in rural areas)[101] and women are rarely formally employed. This does not mean that women do not participate in the economy: quite on the contrary, women usually work on the farm of the household, practise subsistence agriculture, or otherwise work within the household economic unit.[102][119] However, women are often prevented from advancing economically, due to social restrictions on women's movement and gender mixing, as well as due to low education.[120]

Workforce participation[modifica]

Although women play an active role in Pakistan's economy, their contribution has been grossly underreported in some censuses and surveys.[61] Part of the understimation of women's economic role is that Pakistan, like many other countries, has a very large informal sector.[121] The 1991–92 Labour Force Survey revealed that only about 16% of women aged 10 years and over were in the labour force. According to World Bank, in 2014, women made up 22.3% of the labour force in Pakistan.[122]

According to the 1999 report by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, only two percent of Pakistani women participate in the formal sector of employment.[123] However, the 1980 agricultural census stated that the women's participation rate in agriculture was 73%. The 1990–1991 Pakistan Integrated Household Survey indicated that the female labour force participation rate was 45% in rural areas and 17% the urban areas.[61] Pakistani women play a major role in agricultural production, livestock raising and cottage industries.[61]

In 2008, it was recorded that 21.8 percent of females were participating in the labour force in Pakistan while 82.7 percent of men were involved in labour.[124] The rate of women in the labour force has an annual growth rate of 6.5 percent. Out of the 47 million employed peoples in Pakistan in 2008, only 9 million were women and of those 9 million, 70 percent worked in the agricultural sector. The income of Pakistani women in the labour force is generally lower than that of men, due in part to a lack of formal education.[124] The low female literacy rate is a large obstacle in women taking part in the workforce.

Due to the religious and cultural values in Pakistan, women who do try to enter the workforce are often pushed into the lower of the three employment structures. This structure level, unorganized services sector, has low pay, low job security and low productivity. In order to improve this situation, governmental organizations and political parties need to push for the entrance of women into the organized services sector.[125] Conservative interpretations of Islam have not promoted women's rights in the workforce, since they value women as keepers of the family honour, support gender segregation, and institutionalization of gender disparities.[126]

Furthermore, women who do work are often paid less than minimum wage, because they are seen as lesser beings in comparison to men, and "their working conditions vis-à-vis females are often hazardous; having long working hours, no medical benefits, no job security, subjected to job discrimination, verbal abuse and sexual harassment and no support from male-oriented labor unions" (An In-Depth Analysis of Women's Labor Force Participation in Pakistan).

Although these religious and cultural barriers exist keeping women away from the workforce, studies have shown that women-only entrepreneurial training that allows participants to develop capital and competences, can break these down. Programs such as this can go a long way in an Islamic socio-cultural context to develop tolerance and understanding.[127]

Military[modifica]

Female officers of the Pakistan Army during their deployment in Congo.

Women in the Pakistan Armed Forces are the female officers who serve in the Pakistan Armed Forces.[128][129] Women have been taking part in Pakistani military since 1947, after the establishment of Pakistan. In 2006, the first women fighter pilot batch joined the combat aerial mission command of PAF.[130][131] The Pakistan Navy prohibits women from serving in the combat missions, especially in the submarine force command. Rather they are appointed and serve in operations involving military logistics, staff development and senior administrative offices, particularly in the regional and central headquarters.[132] There has been a rise in the numbers of women joining the combat PAF in recent years.

Women can't join the armed forces as ordinary soldiers, airmen or sailors; these posts are only open to men; women can only get commission. Total 4,000 women have served the armed forces till 2017 and 95 percent of them were doctors.[133]

Land and property rights[modifica]

Around 90% of the Pakistani households are headed by men and most female-headed households belong to the poor strata of the society[60][61]

Women lack ownership of productive resources. Despite women's legal rights to own and inherit property from their families, in 2000 there were very few women who had access and control over these resources.[10]

Other concerns[modifica]

Forced conversion of non-muslim girls to Islam[modifica]

In Pakistan, Hindu and Christian girls in Pakistan are kidnapped,raped,forcibly converted to Islam and married to Muslim men.[134] These girls are generally 12 to 18 years old.[135] According to the Aurat Foundation,about 1,000 non-Muslim girls are forcibly converted to Islam in Pakistan every year.[136]

Gender roles[modifica]

Pakistan is a patriarchal society where men are the primary authority figures and women are subordinate.[137] Gender is one of the organizing principles of Pakistani society. Patriarchal values embedded in local traditions, religion and culture predetermine the social value of gender. Islam heavily influences gender roles in particular. An artificial divide between production and reproduction, made by the ideology of sexual division of labour, has placed women in reproductive roles as mothers and wives in the private arena of home and men in a productive role as breadwinners in the public arena.[10]

Pakistani women lack social value and status because of negation of their roles as producers and providers in all social roles. The preference for sons due to their productive role often dictates the allocation of household resources in their favor. Traditionally, male members of the family are given better education and are equipped with skills to compete for resources in the public arena, while female members are imparted domestic skills to be good mothers and wives. Lack of skills, limited opportunities in the job market, and social, religious and cultural restrictions limit women’s chances to compete for resources in the public arena.[10]

This situation has led to the social and economic dependency of women that becomes the basis for male power over women in all social relationships. However, the spread of patriarchy is not even. The nature and degree of women’s subordination vary across classes, regions, and the rural/urban divide. Patriarchal structures are relatively stronger in the rural and tribal setting where local customs establish male authority and power over women's lives. On the other hand, women belonging to the upper and middle classes have increasingly greater access to education and employment opportunities and can assume greater control over their lives.[10]

According to Pakistani standards, 'good women' could be either educated or uneducated and are expected to be unselfish, calm, tolerant, empathetic, reliable, able to organize, compromise, coordinate and maintain hospitality within the house and in keeping good relationships.[138] They are also expected to do household chores, care for her children, husband and in-laws and, when needed, provide the home with external income.[138] Women are also expected to marry a man of their parent's choice, follow Islam's code of dress[139] and sacrifice their own dreams.[140]

In a study carried out by Gallup Pakistan, the Pakistani affiliate of Gallup International, majority of the Pakistanis believe that both males and females have different roles to play in the society. Although women’s role has broadened beyond being a housewife over time, many people still give priority to men in politics, education, employment, and related walks of life. When the respondents were asked to give their opinion on a number of statements about gender roles 63% of the respondents agreed with the statement that "Boys' education is more important than girls'"; 37% disagreed with it. The percentage of people agreeing with this statement was higher among rurallites (67%) as compared to the urbanites (53%). However, more than 90% believe that female children should be educated, nearly half of them believing that, should opportunity be available, they should rise to college education and beyond.

Fifty five percent (55%) of the respondents believe that "Both husband and wife should work"; while 45% said it is wrong for both husband and the wife to work. More than 50% of men including those from rural areas agree that both husband and wife should work for a better living. When the respondents were asked whether "Men are better politicians as compared to women or not"; 67% agree men are better politicians while 33% think otherwise. More women agree with this statement as compared to men. In response to the following statement "If jobs are in shortage should men be given priority for employment"; 72% of the respondents believe they should be given priority while 28% disagree. Eighty three percent (83%) of the respondents think that "To live a happy life women need children"; while only 17% think they do not. A vast majority of all respondents including 82% of women respondents believe that "prosperous women should raise their voice to support the rights of poor women."[141]

Marriage and divorce issues[modifica]

Vegeu també: Matrimoni al Pakistan i Divorci al Pakistan

The average age of women for marriage increased from 16.9 years in 1951 to 22.5 years in 2005. A majority of women are married to their close relatives, i.e., first and second cousins. Only 37 percent of married women are not related to their spouses before marriage. A study published in 2000 recorded that the divorce rate in Pakistan was extremely low due to the social stigma attached to it.[10]

Many girls are still married off into a child marriage, and many complications with this can occur as childbirth from a child can cause complications with the baby and mother.[142] A common system in place with marriage is the Dowry system in which a low or no status is assigned to a girl right from the prenatal stage.There are issues around the dowry system such as dowry related violence, in which the wife is abused by her husband. Before the marriage, the groom will make heavy financial demands on the bride's family as a condition of marrying their daughter.[143]

In order for many parents' daughters to get married, they start "obtaining loans from people, getting interest based loans from banks, utilising their life savings and even sell their homes" (JAHEZ (Dowry Conditions Set by the Groom for Marriage)). Within the dowry system, abuse is likely to occur after the marriage has taken place. Prior to the marriage, if certain conditions that the groom and his family have put in place are not met, they will threaten to break off the marriage, which would be devastating for the bride and her family because of the lengths the bride's family already had to go through to pay her dowry and because traditionally it is a great dishonour to the family.[144]

Health[modifica]

Vegeu també: Planificació familiar al Pakistan

According to 1998 figures, the female infant mortality rate was higher than that of male children. The maternal mortality rate was also high, as only 20 percent of women were assisted by a trained provider during delivery.[10] Only 9 percent of women used contraceptives in 1985, but by 2000 this figure had increased substantially,[10] and as of 2012/13, the contraceptive prevalence rate was 35.4%.[101] The total fertility rate is 2.75 children born/woman (2015 est.).[101]

Pakistan has taken certain initiatives in the health sector to redress gender imbalances. The SAP was launched in 1992–1993 to accelerate improvement in the social indicators. Closing the gender gap is the foremost objective of the SAP. The other major initiative is the Prime Minister's program of lady health workers (LHWs). Under this community-based program, 26,584 LHWs in rural areas and 11,967 LHWs in urban areas have been recruited to provide basic health care including family planning to women at the grassroots level. Other initiatives include the village-based family planning workers and extended immunisation programs, nutritional and child survival, cancer treatment, and increased involvement of media in health education.

Pakistaneses destacades[modifica]

Women in Pakistan have progressed in various fields of life such as politics, education, economy, services, health and many more.

Polítiques i activistes[modifica]

In 2000, women's presence in political parties as well as in the political structure at the local, provincial, and national levels was insignificant due to cultural and structural barriers[10] The situation gradually improved, and by 2014, 20.7% of elected representatives were female, a statistic well ahead of the United States and less than 2% behind the United Kingdom.[145]

  • Miss Fatima Jinnah, sister of Mohammed Ali Jinnah, was an instrumental figure in the Pakistan movement. In 1947, she formed the Women's Relief Committee, which later formed the nucleus for the All Pakistan Women's Association (APWA). She was the first Muslim woman to contest the presidency in 1965, as a candidate of the Combined Opposition Party.
  • Begum Shaista Ikramullah was the first woman elected member of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan.
  • Begum Mahmooda Salim Khan was Pakistan's first woman minister and member of the Cabinet of President General Ayub Khan.
  • Begum Ra'ana Liaquat Ali Khan (1905–1990) was a women's rights activists. She was the founder of the All Pakistan Women's Association. Begum Nusrat Bhutto wife of Prime Minister Zulfikhar Ali Bhutto, led the Pakistani delegation to the United Nations' first women's conference in 1975.
  • Benazir Bhutto was the first female Prime Minister of Pakistan (1988)(1991) and the first woman elected to head a Muslim country. She was elected twice to the office of Prime Minister.
  • Fehmida Mirza is the first female speaker of the National Assembly of Pakistan. Other prominent female Pakistani politicians include Begum Nasim Wali Khan, Raja Farzana, Syeda Abida Hussain, Sherry Rehman and Tehmina Daultana.
  • Hina Rabbani Khar became the first Minister of Foreign Affairs of Pakistan in 2011.
  • Mukhtaran Mai a victim of gang rape has become a prominent activist for women's rights in Pakistan.
  • Asma Jahangir and Hina Jilani, prominent human rights lawyers and founders of the first all woman law firm in Pakistan, AGHS.
  • Malala Yousafzai, as a teenage education activist, was shot in the face in her hometown Mingora at the age of 15. After her hospitalisation and recovery she went on to win the Nobel Peace Prize in conjunction with Kailash Satyarthi for their work for children's rights. At 17, Yousafzai became the youngest recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize and the first Nobel Peace Prize winner from Pakistan.
  • Sania Nishtar, the first female cardiologist and the only woman Interim Cabinet Member 2013, is globally recognized for her work and accomplishments in health policy advocacy.
  • Nigar Ahmad, women's rights activist, co-founder of Aurat (women's) Foundation, one of the oldest women's organisation in the country.
  • Naela Chohan is a Pakistani diplomat and feminist artist. She is currently serving as the Ambassador of Pakistan to Argentina, Uruguay, Peru and Ecuador. She has been a vocal proponent of stronger ties between Pakistan and Latin America.[149][150]
  • Farida Shaheed and Khawar Mumtaz, human rights activists and authors, associated with Shirkat Gah, a woman's organisation.
  • Shahla Zia, human rights activist and lawyer, co-founder of AGHS with Asma Jahngir and Hina Jilani, and also co-founder of Aurat Foundation with Nigar Ahmad. Also the plaintiff in Shahla Zia v. WAPDA, the leading case on environmental law in Pakistan.
  • Tahira Abdullah, prominent human rights activist, associated with Women’s Action Forum (WAF) and the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) and was a prominent member of the Lawyers Movement.
  • Fatima Lodhi is an activist, who is Pakistan's first and Asia's youngest anti-colourism and diversity advocate.
  • Anis Haroon, Chairperson of the National Commission on the Status of Women (NCSW).
  • Justice Majida Rizvi, one of the first female High Court judges, ex-Chairperson of the NCSW and a human rights activist.
  • Justice Nasira Iqbal, daughter in law of Allama Iqbal and one of the first female High Court judges and a prominent and vocal human rights activist.
  • Riffat Arif, also known as Sister Zeph, is a teacher, women’s activist and philanthropist from Gujranwala.[151]
  • Romana Bashir, Catholic woman activist since 1997 in interfaith harmony and women's education.[152]
  • Gulalai Ismail is a Pashtun human rights activist.

Aurat March is International Women's Day women's procession walk organized in various cities of Pakistan including Lahore, Hyderabad, Karachi and Islamabad. The first Aurat March was held in Pakistan on 8 March 2018 (in the city of Karachi). In 2019, it was organised in Lahore and Karachi by a women's collective called Hum Auratein (We the Women), and in other parts of the country, including Islamabad, Hyderabad, Quetta, Mardan, and Faislabad, by Women democratic front (WDF), Women Action Forum (WAF), and others.[153] The march was endorsed by the Lady Health Workers Association, and included representatives from multiple women's-rights organizations.[154][155] The march called for more accountability for violence against women, and to support for women who experience violence and harassment at the hands of security forces, in public spaces, at home, and at the workplace.[156] Reports suggest that more and more women rushed to join the march until the crowd was became scattered. Women (as well as men) carried posters bearing phrases such as 'Ghar ka Kaam, Sab ka Kaam', and 'Women are humans, not honour' became a rallying cry.

Pakistani Women's rights activism and NGOs[modifica]

Pakistani civil society and Pakistani feminists have produced a significant number of big and small, courageous NGOs and proactive activism including that of Me Too Movement and annual Aurat March which work towards improve Pakistani women's global situation and particularly to prevent violence against women, for instance:

  • the All Pakistan Women's Association, founded in 1949,
  • the Aurat Foundation, registered in 1986,
  • Blue Veins, which works primarily on health issues in rural areas,
  • the Society for Appraisal and Women Empowerment in Rural Areas (SAWERA), founded in 2004 in Khyber Agency, famous for the assassination of its founder Fareeda Afridi who was gunned down in June 2012.[157][158]
  • In a landmark legal challenge against state airline, Pakistan International Airline (PIA), in March 2018, plaintiff Komal Zafar argued that failure to select her as cadet pilot was unconstitutional. Justice Muhammad Farrukh Irfan Khan of Lahore High Court passed the orders on a petition, filed by Komal Zafar for the implementation of women quota in the pilots' recruitment process of the PIA. During the hearing, the petitioner’s counsel submitted that women were ignored in the recruitment process for filling pilots' vacancies despite 10 per cent quota specified in the policy. He contended that the step was a violation of the policy, and pleaded to issue directions for completing the recruitment process on the pilots' posts reserved for women.

Arts and entertainment[modifica]

Actresses[modifica]

Singers[modifica]

Others[modifica]

  • Fauzia Minallah is the first and youngest woman political cartoonist to win the All Pakistan Newspaper Society award. She is also the winner of Ron Kovic Peace prize,

Sports[modifica]

Sportswomen of Pakistan have always been plagued by the patriarchal society and many have come forward to claim that coaches, selectors and others who are in position of power demand sexual favours. Sexual abuse of this kind has led some athletes to commit suicide due to inaction of authorities in pursuing the suspects. In some cases the female athletes who register the cases of sexual abuse and harassment are banned or put on probation.[159][160][161][162]

In 1996, when sisters Shaiza and Sharmeen Khan first tried to introduce women's cricket in Pakistan, they were met with court cases and even death threats. The government refused them permission to play India in 1997, and ruled that women were forbidden from playing sports in public. However, later they were granted permission, and the Pakistani women's cricket team played its first recorded match on 28 January 1997 against New Zealand in Christchurch.

  • Sidra Sadaf, a woman cyclist won a silver medal at the 11th South Asian Games in Dhaka, Bangladesh in January 2010. Naseem Hameed achieved the fastest woman sprinter record in South Asia following the 2010 South Asian games; she gained widespread popularity for the remarkable feat.

Literatura[modifica]

Other fields[modifica]

Some of the notable Pakistani women in other fields including computing, education and business are:

Referències[modifica]

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  75. Brightman, 2015, p. 334-351.
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  89. Chaudhry, Asif. «Health experts raise awareness about genetic diseases among children» (en anglès). Dawn, 22-02-2020.
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  118. «2 girls colleges to be established» (en anglès). The News, 23-05-2014.
  119. «Rural women in household production: Increasing contributions and persisting drudgery» (en anglès). Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations.
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  131. «Pakistan army to turns to women for combat» (en anglès). Indian Defence Journal, 26-04-2006.
  132. «Splendid passing-out parade held for smartly turned out naval officers» (en anglès). Tribune Express [Pakistan Naval Academy], 05-07-2011.
  133. «Women in Pak Military: A story of feminine valour in pictures» (en anglès). Pakistan Today, 15-09-2018.
  134. Javaid, Maham «Forced conversions torment Pakistan's Hindus» (en anglès). Aljazeera.
  135. «New law may help forced conversions pakistani hindu girls» (en anglès). Voa News.
  136. «1000 girls forcibly converted to islam in Pakistan every year» (en anglès). The News.
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  147. «A Marriage of Convenience?» (en anglès). Inter Press Service, 11-04-2009.
  148. «Malala and Kailash Satyarthi win Nobel Peace Prize» (en anglès). BBC News.
  149. «Pakistan urged for strong ties with Latin American states» (en anglès). Nation.
  150. «Latest News Breaking, Pakistan News» (en anglès). The News.
  151. «How Sister Zeph's one-room school in Gujranwala became a global sensation» (en anglès). Dawn (Images), 26-05-2016.
  152. «PAKISTAN Pakistani (and Christian) women lead the defence of minority rights» (en anglès). Asia News.
  153. «Pakistani women hold 'aurat march' for equality, gender justice» (en anglès). Aljazeera.
  154. Saeed, Mehek «Aurat March 2018: Freedom over fear» (en anglès). The News.
  155. «A rising movement». Dawn, 18-03-2019.
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  157. «Positive Pakistanis: Sister act» (en anglès). The Express Tribune, 11-09-2011.
  158. (en anglès) Newsline.
  159. «Pakistani women cricketers banned for false sex harassment claims» (en anglès). Dawn, 25-10-2013.
  160. «Female cricketer commits suicide» (en anglès). The Express Tribune.
  161. «Pakistan women cricketers level harassment charges against superiors and officials» (en anglès). NDTVSports.
  162. «Foul play in women's cricket» (en anglès). Daily Times.
  163. «Honouring the distinguished: President approves national civil awards» (en anglès). The Express Tribune, 14-08-2013.
  164. «Former principal of St Joseph's, Zinia Pinto, passes away at 83» (en anglès). The Express Tribune, 06-06-2013.
  165. «How Sister Zeph's one-room school in Gujranwala became a global sensation» (en anglès). Dawn (Images), 26-05-2016.

Bibliografia[modifica]

Vegeu també[modifica]

Enllaços externs[modifica]